II. Mahmud - WordPress.com
Transkript
II. Mahmud - WordPress.com
Anadolu ve Rumeli’deki âyân ve hanedanlar› bertaraf etme politikas› güden Sultan Mahmud, 1821’de bafllayan Rum ‹syan› ve bu ayaklanman›n bast›r›lmas›nda mühim bir rol oynayan Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n daha fazla toprak ve vergi geliri talepleri karfl›s›nda kritik bir karar aflamas›na gelmiflti. Krizden ya Avrupal› büyük güçlerle ve siyasetin yerli aktörleriyle pazarl›k ve uzlaflmaya giderek ç›kacak ya da devlet ricali ve ‹stanbul kamuoyunun yönlendirilmesiyle oluflturulacak “acil hal” ikliminde kurulacak örfi idareyle ülkedeki hâkimiyetini güçlendirecek bir politik restorasyona kalk›flacakt›. Mamafih sultan›n iktidar›n›n önündeki tek engel, ülke içindeki direnç de¤ildi. Sultan›n saltanat y›llar› Avrupa’da, 1789 sonras› Cumhuriyet Fransas›’ndan bafllayarak kitle ordular›n›n iyice büyümesine flahit olmufltu. Frans›z Devrimi sadece hürriyet ve adalet de¤il, eflitlik iddias›yla da gelmifl; yeni hükümet köylülere yük oldu¤u gerekçesiyle kald›rd›¤› zorunlu milislik yerine 18-25 yafl aras› bütün gençlere zorunlu yurttafl askerli¤ini getirmiflti. Napoleon’un yay›lmac› politikas› karfl›s›nda di¤er Avrupa monarflileri de bu kervana kat›lmak zorunda kald›. Osmanl› hükümeti de büyük bir piyade ordusuna ihtiyaç hisseden bu devletler aras›ndayd›. III. Selim ve Alemdar Mustafa Pafla’n›n deneyip de baflaramad›¤› proje bu kez II. Mahmud’un Driven by the policy to eliminate the ayans (local notables) and dynasties of Anatolia and Rumelia, Sultan Mahmud now had to make a decision about answering the demands for more land and tax revenues that were being made by Mehmet Ali Pasha in return for his services in the suppression of the Greek Rebellion, that had started in 1821. The present crisis could be overcome either by negotiating and bargaining with the European superpowers and the local political actors or with a political restoration that would be formed through a martial law regime; this latter would be in a climate of “a state of emergency”, based on the manipulation of the ruling elite and public opinion in Istanbul. However, the resistance within the country was not the only obstacle standing in the way of the sultan’s power. Starting with Republican France after 1789, during the years of the sultan’s rule, the mass armies in Europe greatly increased in size. The French Revolution did not bring only liberty and justice; it also brought the promise of equality. The new government, with the argument that the militia was a burden on the villagers, introduced a national military service that was compulsory for all young people between the ages of 18 and 25. In response to Napoleon’s encroaching policies, the other European monarchies were forced to join the caravan. The Ottoman state was among those * ‹stanbul Üniversitesi Yeniçeri, II. Mahmud dönemi binbafl›s›, Topçubafl›, Nizâm-› Cedîd (III. Selim dönemi) binbafl›s› Janissaries, a major during the era of Mahmud II, a Nizam› Cedid major (era of Selim III) (Brindesi) A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I states which felt a need for a large infantry force. The project that Selim III and Alemdar Mustafa Pasha attempted, but were unsuccessful with, now lay in front of Mahmud II: to form the nucleus of a new central army either within the Janissary corps or in the place of these, and to do this without dragging the Muslim and non-Muslim subjects into politics. Immediately after the news that the Greek Rebellion had been suppressed had been received, the sultan and the statesmen, the ulama and the aghas of the corps who were acting with the sultan went into action to establish new troops within the Janissary Corps, under the name of the Eshkindji. Before long, what was expected occurred and the Janissaries rebelled. The sultan and his team, not missing this opportunity, used violent means to eliminate the Corps. Thus, the last great organized force that had stood in the way of restructuring the military and the political centralizing project was removed. Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediyye and European-Style Training Immediately after the official abolition of the corps on 17 June 1826, the newly-established army was named the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediyye. Mahmud II’s man inside the corps who had worked for its abolition, Agha Hüseyin Pasha, was made the commander-inchief of the new army. ‹brahim Saib Efendi, who had served in the last attempt as naz›r (chief commissioner) of the Eflkinci, was appointed chief commissioner of the Asâkir-i Mansûre; likewise, Mehmed Yekta Efendi, who was the kethüda kâtibi of the Janissary Corps, was then appointed as scribe of the new army. The military personnel were to form 8 regiments, making the existing manpower here total 12,000 people; they were to be trained based on contemporary European drills. However, there were only a few soldiers and officers available for the Ottoman government who were aware of the European style of military drills. Necib Efendi, the permanent representative of Mehmed Ali Pasha (the governor of Egypt), in Istanbul, who had found and brought Major Davud A¤a of the Egyptian army during the Eshkindji experience, was summoned once again 105| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H R önündeydi: ya oca¤›n içinde ya da oca¤›n yerine, yeni bir merkez ordusunun nüvesini oluflturmak, bunu da Müslim ve gayrimüslim tebaay› siyasete bulaflt›rmadan yapmak... um ‹syan›’n›n bast›r›ld›¤› haberinin gelmesinden hemen sonra, sultan ve onunla birlikte hareket eden rical, ulema ve ocak a¤alar›, Yeniçeri Oca¤› içinde Eflkinci ad› alt›nda yeni birlikler kurulmas› için harekete geçti. Çok geçmeden muhtemelen bekledikleri oldu ve ocakl› tak›m› kazanlar›n› kald›rd›. Bu f›rsat› kaç›rmayan sultan ve ekibi de, fliddet kullanarak oca¤› ortadan kald›rd›. Böylece, sadece askerî bir yeniden yap›lanman›n de¤il, siyasi merkeziyetçilik projesinin de önünde duran son büyük organize güç kald›r›lm›fl oldu. Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye ve Frenk Talimi Oca¤›n 17 Haziran 1826’da resmen ilgas›ndan hemen sonra kurulan yeni orduya, Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediyye ismi verilmiflti. Oca¤›n kald›r›lmas›na giden yolda II. Mahmud’un ocak içindeki has adam› olan A¤a Hüseyin Pafla, yeni orduya serasker yap›ld›. Eflkinci naz›r› olarak son denemede görev yapm›fl ‹brahim Saib Efendi Asâkir-i Mansûre nezâretine, oca¤›n kethüda kâtibi Mehmed Yekta Efendi ise Asâkir-i Mansûre baflkitâbetine tayin edildi. 12.000 kiflilik sekiz tertipten meydana gelmesi planlanan ordu personelinin, Avrupa’da cari talim metotlar›yla yetifltirilmesi öngörülüyordu. Ancak Osmanl› hükümetinin elinde Avrupa taliminden haberdar olan az say›da nefer ve zabit vard›. Eflkinci tecrübesi s›ras›nda, zaman›nda M›s›r ordusunda görev yapm›fl Binbafl› Davud A¤a’y› bulup getiren M›s›r Valisi Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ‹stanbul’daki kethüdas› Necib Efendi, bu kez de sultan taraf›ndan ça¤r›ld› ve Kahire’ye bir mektup yazarak yeni nizâmî ordu için Mehmed Ali Pafla’dan talimci zabit talep etmesi istendi. Necib Efendi denileni yapt›, fakat yeni ordunun kendi askerî gücünü dengelemek için oluflturuldu¤unu düflünen Mehmed Ali Pafla buna yanaflmad›. Gelen olumsuz cevap üzerine sultan, Nizâm-› Cedîd’in eski yüzbafl›lar›ndan Osman A¤a’ya döndü ve onu Asâkir-i Mansûre binbafl›l›¤›na tayin etti. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ‹stanbul’a talimci göndermeyece¤ine dair mektubuyla alâkal› arz›n üzerine, “Osman A¤a’n›n aslen 106| | S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D by the Sultan to write a letter to Cairo demanding an instructor for the new regular army from Mehmed Ali Pasha. This was done, but Mehmed Ali Pasha, suspicious that the new army was being organized to balance his own military power, did not cooperate. Upon receiving a negative answer, the sultan turned to Osman Agha, one of the former captains of the Nizâm-› Cedid and appointed as the binbafl› (major) of Asâkir-i Mansûre. Although he made remarks in the margin of the account that reported Mehmed Ali Pasha’s failure to send instructors, stating that “Osman Agha was really a cavalry commander and for this reason he might be rather slow if in command of the very detailed infantry training”, Mahmud II selected the latter because there was no else at hand for this post. Following his performance of the so called “tri-instruction drill”, carried out in front of the sultan, Cukadar Emin Agha, who had formerly registered for the Nizâm-› Cedîd troops of Sultan Selim III, was also nominated as instructor of the 200 Enderun (inner-court) aghas. Also, a few instructors who had had experience with the former Sekbân-› Cedîd and Eflkinci attempts were included as majors to instruct in the ongoing drills at the Seraskerlik (Ministry of War). Vay Belim Ahmed Agha, the former trumpeter of the Nizâm-› Cedîd cavalry of the Enderun aghas, was appointed as instructor of the cavalry, while a person by the name of Ahmed Usta was appointed as the instructor of the military band. While these developments were unfolding in Istanbul, the kaptan pasha Hüsrev, who had been appointed to head up the fleet with a mission in the Mediterranean, was returning to ‹zmir. Receiving news about the abolishment of the Janissary corps, he immediately found a former sergeant of the French army, namely Monsieur Gaillard, to instruct 100 select men of the navy in the French-style drill. This exemplary force was close to being a continuation of similar ones that had been established when Hüsrev Pasha had been governor in Egypt. Hüsrev Pasha, who came to Istanbul in the autumn, continued to carry out the drills with the soldiers. Finally, on March 11 1827, when invited to the palace, Hüsrev Pasha told the sultan that the drills remaining from the Nizâm-› Cedîd were out of date and explained that the drills that were being practiced by his men were the most recent style employed in France. A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I II. Mahmud 107| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H süvari binbafl›s› oldu¤u ve bu yüzden de oldukça teferruatl› piyade talimini kumanda etmekte yavafl kald›¤› notunu” düflen II. Mahmud, onu bu makam için elinde baflka kimse olmamas› sebebiyle tercih etmiflti. III. Selim zaman›nda Nizâm-› Cedîd’e yaz›l›p sonradan Enderun’a girmifl olan Çukadar Emin A¤a’n›n bizzat II. Mahmud’un önünde icra ettirdi¤i “üçlü talim” tatbikat› be¤enilmifl ve Emin A¤a yaklafl›k 200 Enderun a¤as›n›n fenn-i harb muallimli¤ine getirilmiflti. Ayr›ca Sekbân-› Cedîd ve Eflkinci tecrübelerinden kalma birkaç talimci de Seraskerlik’teki talimlere binbafl› olarak dahil edildi. Enderun a¤alar›ndan eski Nizâm-› Cedîd süvarileri boruzeni Vay Belim Ahmed A¤a süvari muallimli¤ine, Ahmed Usta ad›nda bir kifli ise tranpet meflkine memur edilmifllerdi. ‹stanbul’da bu geliflmeler yaflan›rken, oca¤›n kald›r›ld›¤› s›rada Akdeniz’de bulunan donanman›n bafl›ndaki Kaptan›derya Hüsrev Pafla da ‹zmir’e dönmüfl ve burada buldu¤u Fransa ordusunun eski çavufllar›ndan Gaillard nezaretinde donanmadan seçti¤i 100 adama Frans›z talimi yapt›rmaya bafllam›flt›. Bu numune birlik, Hüsrev Pafla’n›n M›s›r’da vali iken kurdurdu¤u benzerlerinin bir devam› gibiydi. Güzle beraber ‹stanbul’a gelen Hüsrev Pafla burada da askerlerine talim yapt›rmaya devam etti. Nihayet 11 Mart 1827’de saraya davet olundu¤unda sultana, Nizâm-› Cedîd’den kalma talimin eski oldu¤unu ve kendi uygulatt›¤›n›n Fransa’daki en yeni talim oldu¤unu anlatt›. Gülhane Kasr›’na gelerek oraya ça¤r›lan askerlerin talimlerini bizzat izleyen Sultan, üçlü talim yerine, daha h›zl› hareketlere dayanan Hüsrevî talimin uygulanmas›n› emretti. M›s›r valili¤ini Mehmed Ali Pafla’ya b›rakmak zorunda kalmas› ve kaptan›deryal›ktan da yine onun tazyikiyle azledilmesi dolay›s›yla M›s›r valisinin hasm› olan Hüsrev Pafla ise, önce Anadolu valili¤ine, iki ay sonra da A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›n yerine seraskerli¤e getirildi. Piyade talimi Hüsrev Pafla’n›n telkinleriyle de¤iflirken, Vay Belim Ahmed A¤a’n›n yerini ‹talyan subay Calosso’nun almas› sonras›nda oluflan ilk düzenli süvari birli¤i de Gülhane Bahçesi’nde yeni binifl tarzlar›yla tan›flm›flt›. Calosso, süvari talimlerine gerek binici gerekse komut veren olarak bizzat kat›lan sultan›n da onay›yla süvarileri Macar hafif süvarisinin (hussar) e¤erlerine ve binifl tarz›na al›flt›rmaya çal›fl›yordu. Ancak Osmanl› süvarilerinin bunlara al›flmalar› çok zor oldu. 108| | S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D The sultan came to Gülhane Pavilion in the garden of Topkapi Palace to watch the drills carried out by the soldiers; consequently he ordered the implementation of the so-called drill of Hüsrev, based on more rapid actions, to take the place of the tri-command drill. Forced to leave the Egyptian governorship to Mehmed Ali Pasha and being dismissed from the post of kaptan pasha once again as a result of pressure from the latter, Hüsrev Pasha now had great enmity for Mehmed Ali. He was first appointed to the Anatolian governorship, and then two months later was brought to the post of commander-in-chief in place of Hüseyin Pasha A¤a. While the drilling of the infantry was changed at the suggestion of Hüsrev Pasha, the two dozen cavalry troops which had been formed after the appointment of the Italian officer Calasso in the place of Vay Belim Ahmed Agha were introduced to a new style of riding in Topkapi Palace’s Gülhane Gardens. Calasso tried to introduce the Hungarian hussar (light cavalry) saddles and riding styles to the cavalry with the approval of the sultan, who joined in the cavalry training, both as a rider and giving commands. However, it was difficult for the Ottoman cavalry to become accustomed to this. For the Ottoman cavalry, which had formerly ridden with their feet tucked under their bodies, as if sitting on a divan in a half cross-legged position, the new style and stirrups meant that they had to stretch their feet down, and they felt very uncomfortable and unsafe on the horses. In the words of the British lieutenant who followed the Ottoman-Russian War of 1828-29, George Keppel, “the Muslim cavalry, which managed the horse in such a magnificent way had gone and in his place had come an incompetent cavalry soldier...” The British navy officer A. Slade quotes from Calosso himself when noting in his memoirs “that the sultan has made a mistake by making a reform in Turkish cavalry and replacing the irregular cavalry warrior horde of the old system with a few battalions intructed a l’Europeènne.” Drill Sergeant Sultan Before one week after the abolition of the Janissaries had passed, the sultan watched hundreds of soldiers begin the French-style training in the palace gardens; he was inspecting them on horseback, wearing a uniform consisting of an Egyptian fez, guns and a cavalry sword strapped to the waist. This was his first A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M Önceden ayaklar›n› alt›na toplayarak at üzerinde sanki divandaym›fl gibi yar› ba¤dafl halinde oturan Osmanl› süvarileri için, yeni e¤er ve üzengiyle ayaklar›n› afla¤› uzatarak at binmek oldukça rahats›z ve güvensizdi. 1828-29 Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’ni takip etmifl ‹ngiliz binbafl› George Keppel’in ifadesiyle, “O at›n› harikulâde flekilde idare eden Müslüman süvari gitmifl yerine yeni tarz›n beceriksiz süvari askerleri gelmiflti”. ‹ngiliz deniz subay› Adolphus Slade de, Calosso’nun bizzat kendisinin “Sultan›n Türk süvarisinde reform yaparak, yani eski sistemin sa¤lad›¤› düzensiz atl› savaflç› kitlelerini a l’Europeènne talim görmüfl birkaç taburla de¤ifltirerek hata yapt›¤› görüflünde oldu¤unu” aktarm›flt›r. S U L T A N M A H M U D I I appearance in which he was recorded as the “head commander”. In later months he carried out the drills, taking on the position of commander major of 200 soldier units formed from the Enderun aghas. The confidential secretary Mustafa Nuri Pasha and the palace chancellor fiakir Efendi had now become the sultan’s aides de camp. It was recorded by foreign observers that Mahmud II, trying to gain experience in Calasso’s new cavalry drills, fell off his horse a number of times, and was in danger of breaking his neck. S Talim Çavuflu Sultan Oca¤›n kapat›lmas›n›n üzerinden daha bir hafta geçmeden saray›n bahçesinde alafranga talime bafllayan yüzlerce neferi pencereden izleyen sultan, üzerinde üniformams› k›yafeti, bafl›nda M›s›r fesi, kufland›¤› tabancalar› ve süvari k›l›c›yla at› üzerinde onlar› denetlemiflti. Bu onun bir “baflkomutan” olarak kay›tlara geçmifl ilk görüntüsüdür. ‹lerleyen aylarda ise Enderun a¤alar›ndan oluflan 200 kiflilik birli¤in bizzat binbafl›l›¤›na soyunarak onlara talim yapt›racakt›. S›rkâtibi Mustafa Nuri Pafla ve Mabeynci fiakir Efendi sultan›n erkân› (sonradan yâver-i harb) olmufllard›. Calosso’nun yeni süvari talimini de bizzat tecrübe etmeye çal›flan II. Mahmud’un, defalarca attan düflerek boynunu k›rma tehlikesine maruz kald›¤› yabanc› gözlemcilerce kaydedilmifltir. Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi s›ras›nda kald›¤› Rami Çiftli¤i’nde ve K⤛thane’de yeni kurulan Hassa süvari birliklerinin muallimli¤ine bizzat soyunan Sultan Mahmud, Asâkir-i Mansûre taburlar›n›n talimlerini izlemek üzere baz› perflembe günleri Seraskerli¤e de gitmekteydi. Sultan ile ona refakat eden devlet ricalinin ve ordu komutanlar›n›n, talim için ‹stanbul’a gönderilen redif birliklerinin ve ‹stanbul’daki Asâkir-i Hassa süvarilerinin Haydarpafla Sahras›’ndaki ve Rami Çiftli¤i’ndeki manevralar›n› seyretmeye gitti¤ini de, Osmanl› resmî gazetesi Takvîm-i Vekâyi’deki ilgili haberlerden biliyoruz. Sultan, Ayestefanos (Yeflilköy) köyünün biraz uza¤›nda bulunan denize naz›r köflkünün kara taraf›nda da büyük bir talim meydan› infla ettirmifl ve buradaki resmigeçit ve manevralarda zaman zaman haz›r bulunmufltu. ultan Mahmud took on the role of the instructor of the newly-established Hassa (imperial) cavalry at the Rami Çiftli¤i and K⤛thane, where he resided during the Ottoman-Russian War. He was also known to visit the Ministry of War to watch the instructions of the Asâkir-i Mansûre battalions on Thursdays. We know from news in the Takvim-i Vekayi, the official Ottoman gazette, that the sultan, leading statesmen and army commanders who accompanied him also watched the reserve troops that had been sent to Istanbul for training, as well as the Asakir-i Hassa cavalry in Istanbul while they carried out maneuvers on the Haydarpafla Field and at the Rami Çifli¤i. The sultan had a large drill field constructed on the land side of the seaside mansion which was located a distance from the village of Ayastefanos (Yeflilköy), and would attend the parades and maneuvers that were carried out here from time to time. When one considers that the Ottoman sultans had not been participating in campaigns and activities of the corps for nearly two centuries, we can better understand the significance of Mahmud II’s participation as a “drill sergeant” in the military instruction and drills. The Dutch Prince Moritz von Nassau, who had first put modern infantry training into practice in Europe, the Swedish king Gustav Adolphus who created the leading army on the continent, Friedrich I (1713-1740), the “king drill sergeant”, who owned a strong Prussian army and his son Friedrich II, and Peter the Great, who reorganized the Russian army were all the fore-runners of the “uniformed monarch” or the “soldier-king” model reified in the person of Mahmud II. However, it is not possible to say that Mahmud II, in contrast to those mentioned above, was a strategist or a skillful commander-in-chief. 109| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye’nin geçit resmi. II. Mahmud arka safta, siyah sakall›, at s›rt›nda önde / Official parade of the Asakir-i Mansure-i Muhammideye. Mahmud II, at the rear, black beard, on horseback (François Dubois, MSA, env. no. 11 / 1482) 110| | A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I 111| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H Osmanl› sultanlar›n›n neredeyse iki as›rd›r seferlere ve ocak faaliyetlerine ifltirak etmedi¤i düflünüldü¤ünde, II. Mahmud’un “bir talim çavuflu” düzeyinde talim ve terbiye prati¤ine kat›lmas› manidard›r. Modern piyade talimini Avrupa’da ilk kez yürürlü¤e sokan Hollanda Prensi Moritz von Nassau, ordusunu k›tan›n baflta gelen askerî gücü haline getiren ‹sveç Kral› Gustav Adolphus, Prusya’y› güçlü bir ordu sahibi k›lan “Talim Çavuflu Kral” I. Friedrich (1713-1740) ve onun o¤lu II. Friedrich ile Rusya ordusunu yeniden yap›land›ran Petro, II. Mahmud’un flahs›nda gözlenen “üniformal› monark” ya da “asker-kral” suretinin öncüleridir. Ancak Sultan Mahmud’un, an›lan bu isimlerden farkl› olarak, bir stratejist veya mahir bir baflkomutan oldu¤unu söylemek mümkün de¤ildir. Bafl›ba¤l› Neferler, Bafl›bozuk Savaflç›lar Asâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’ne göre, orduya yaz›lan herkes 12 y›l hizmetle mükellef tutulmufltu. Bekârlar›n evlenmeleri yüzbafl› mülâz›m› olana kadar yasaklanm›flt›. Ancak evli olanlar›n orduya girmesine bir mani yoktu. Nizâm-› Cedîd tecrübesinde, neferlerin bir ayl›k talimden sonra izinli say›larak memleketlerine gitmelerine ve kendi iflleriyle u¤raflmalar›na izin verilmiflken, bu kez buna kap› kapat›lm›flt›. B afllang›çta 15 kurufl olarak belirlenen nefer ayl›¤›, 1827 y›lbafl›nda ç›kan bir kararla ‹stanbul ile beraber Anadolu’da Konya, ‹zmir, Bursa, Bolu ve Kütahya’da; Rumeli’de ise bütün tertiplerde 20 kurufla ç›kar›ld›. Süvari neferlerinde bu rakam yüzde elli art›yordu. Bu maaflla bu ifle talip olanlar ço¤unlukla 15-25 yafl aras› iflsiz delikanl›lard›. Devrin Avrupa ordular› gibi sultan›n yeni ordusu da personelini, toplumun sosyopolitik ve sosyoekonomik olarak en alt zümresini oluflturan nisbeten fakir ya da mülksüzlerden devflirecekti. Asâkir-i Mansûre’ye yaz›lan bu delikanl›lar›n ço¤u, Rumeli ve Anadolu’nun Türkçe konuflan Müslüman nüfusundand›. Süvariler için ise ilk adres göçer Türkmen afliretleriydi. Ancak istenilenin çok alt›nda rakamlarda orduya sevk edilebilen göçerler, f›rsat›n› bulduklar› ilk anda firar ediyorlard›. Osmanl›-Rusya harplerinin Balkan cephesindeki mühim serhat flehirlerinden biri olan Silistre’de ise, piyade tertibinin yan›s›ra kurulacak süvari tertibine kabâil-i Tatar ve Türk ufla¤›n›n yan›s›ra Babada¤›, Maçin ve Silistre kazalar›nda bulunan H›ristiyan 112| | S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D Orderly Soldiers, Unruly Warriors According to the Regulation of Asâkir-i Mansûre, everyone who was registered in the new army was liable to 12 years of service. Bachelors were forbidden from marrying until they had reached the rank of lieutenant captain. However, there was no obstacle for those who were married. In the former Nizâm-› Cedîd, the soldiers had undergone a month of training and then were given permission to go to their hometowns to carry out their own businesses; now this door had been closed. At the beginning, the soldier’s salary was stated as 15 kurufl; in a decision taken at the beginning of 1827 the salary for troops in Istanbul, Konya, ‹zmir, Bursa, Bolu and Kütahya, and for all troops in Rumelia, was raised to 20 kurufl. For the cavalry soldiers, this amount was increased by fifty percent. Most of those who wanted such a job at such a salary were unemployed youths between the ages of 15 and 25. Like European armies of the era, the sultan’s new army and personnel consisted of the lower socio-political and socio-economic strata of society, the poor and landless. Most of these young men who were enrolled in the Asâkir-i Mansûre were from the Turkishspeaking population of Rumelia and Anatolia. The first address for the cavalry was the nomadic Turkmen tribes. However, the nomads who could be sent to the army were well below the number desired and they would desert at the first opportunity. In Silistre, one of the important cities of the Balkan front dur›ng the Ottoman-Russian War, it was decided that the cavalry troops which were to be established alongside the infantry troops would include not only men of Tatar and Turkish tribal origin, but also the Christian Zaporozhian Cossacks, who were located in the provinces of Babada¤›, Maçin, and Silistre; these were the first and only non-Muslim component to be included in the Asâkir-i Mansûre. Particularly during campaigns, the price for transporting soldiers was taken from regions that were far from the front or from where it was difficult to attain soldiers; this price often rose as much as 250 kurufl a month and tribal warriors from the Turkmens, Kurds, Albanians and Laz would be employed. However, these would quickly abandon the battlefield and when they A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M Potkal› Kazaklar›ndan da savaflç› al›nmas›na karar verilmifl ve bu, Asâkir-i Mansûre içinde gayrimüslim unsurlar› bar›nd›ran ilk ve tek birlik olmufltu. Bilhassa sefer zamanlar›nda, asker al›m› yap›lmas› zor ya da cepheye uzak yerlerden bunun yerine nakdî bedel al›n›yor ve bu parayla ayl›klar› 250 kurufla kadar ç›kan Türkmen, Kürt, Arnavut ve Lazistanl› kabile savaflç›lar› istihdam ediliyordu. Fakat bunlar da, muharebe meydan›ndan kolayca firar etmeleri ve paralar›n› alamad›klar› zaman derhal ifli b›rakmalar› yüzünden Osmanl›-Rusya ve Osmanl›-M›s›r savafllar›nda komutanlarca s›k s›k flikâyet konusu edileceklerdi. Rumeli’de Bosna-Hersek ile Arnavut nüfusun ço¤unlukta oldu¤u ‹flkodra, Yanya, Avlonya, Delvine; Anadolu’da Sürmene-Gönye aras› sahil fleridi; Do¤u ve Güneydo¤u’da Kürt ve Türkmen afliretlerin yo¤un oldu¤u yerler ve yine Kürt ve Yezidî afliretlerin yaflad›¤› Kuzey Irak da¤lar›, zorunlu askerli¤e direncin fliddetli oldu¤u yerlerdi. Yar› müstakil bir idareye sahip Davud Pafla’n›n Ba¤dad’›ndaki Kölemen Oca¤›, 1831 y›l›nda gönderilen askerî kuvvet marifetiyle kald›r›lm›fl ve eyalet merkeze ba¤lanm›flt›. Kudüs ve Filistin’de ise, asker yazma teflebbüsleri ahâlinin gösterdi¤i tepki sebebiyle sonraya b›rak›lm›flt›. Arabistan Yar›madas›’ndan II. Mahmud devrinde hiç asker al›nmad›. Cezayir Day›s› da yeni düzene dâhil olmad›. Tunus’tan ise sadece sembolik bir kat›l›m sa¤land›. Asker ve vergi vermek istemeyen Bosna, Arnavutluk, Güneydo¤u Anadolu ve Irak’taki kabile ve afliretler üzerine, düzenli ordu birlikleri ve bafl›bozuk savaflç›lardan oluflturulan kuvvetlerle 1830’larda pek çok harekât düzenlendi. Ancak bunlardan hükümeti sevindirecek bir netice ç›kmad›. Ordu için asker toplan›rken görevlilerin fliddete baflvurdu¤u ve toplu firarlara varacak tepkilere yol açt›klar› olmufltur. ‹stanbul’da asker toplamak ad›na sokak ortas›nda kaba kuvvete baflvuran görevlilerin sultan ve Sadaret taraf›ndan uyar›ld›klar› da kay›tl›d›r. Sefer vakti gönderilen emirlerle asker toplama faaliyetine giriflen mahallî âyân ve nüfuz sahipleri de, zorla ve h›zla askerlefltirdikleri kiflileri cepheye sevk etmifl gözükmektedir. 1828-29 Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’nde baflta Rumeli olmak üzere Müslüman ahaliye hitaben yay›nlanan “12 yafl›ndan 70 S U L T A N M A H M U D I I were unable to take their salaries these troops would immediately abandon their jobs, thus making them a frequent subject of complaints from the commanders of the Ottoman-Russian and Ottoman-Egyptian wars. There was violent resistance to the compulsory military service in Rumelia, BosniaHerzegovinia and towns like Scutari, Ioannina, Avlonya and Delvinë, where ethnic Albanians formed the majority of the population; the same was true the north-eastern coastal cities in Anatolia between Sürmene and Gönye and the eastern and south-eastern provinces which were heavily populated with Kurdish and Turkmen tribes, as well as in the northern Iraqi mountains, where there were Kurdish and Yezidi tribes. Davud Pasha’s Köleman Corps in Baghdad, which had a semi-independent structure, was abolished in 1831 by a military expedition and the province was then directly connected to the state center. In Jerusalem and Palestine, conscription was postponed due to the resistance of the local population. In the Arabian Peninsula, the word conscription was not even mentined during the reign of Mahmud II. Similarly, the Algerian Dayi was not included in the new arrangement. Only a symbolic participation was sent from Tunisia. In the 1830s many expeditions were launched with regular troops and auxiliary forces of irregular soldiers against the tribes in Bosnia, Albania, Southeastern Anatolia and Iraq, who did not want to provide soldiers or taxes. However, such actions did not produce results that pleased the government. The officers responsible for gathering soldiers for the army in some instances used force and this led to mass desertions. It is recorded that officials who used brute force in the middle of the street to muster soldiers in Istanbul were reprimanded by the sultan and grand vizier. It seems that the local ayan and influential people, carrying out the orders at the time of the campaigns to muster soldiers for the central army often sent to the front men who had been rapidly and forcefully militarized. The orders that were addressed to primarily the Muslim citizens of Rumelia in the Ottoman and Russian War of 1828-29 read:“Those believers who are between 12 and 70 and who know how to fight and can hold a weapon are called to Muslim war and jihad”, technically, this meant nefîr-i amm or “forced volunteers”. 113| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H yafl›na harb ü darb erbâb› olan ve eli silah tutan kâffe-yi mü’min ve Müslimînin gazâ ve cihâda” kat›lmas›, yani nefîr-i âmm olarak adland›r›lan sefer vakti “zorunlu gönüllülük” ça¤r›lar›na da savafl›n bafl›nda fazla bir karfl›l›k al›namam›fl, toplan›p cepheye sevk edilen askerler ise “iki top at›l›r at›lmaz” firara kalk›flm›flt›r. Cepheden gelen yaz›lara göre, firar eden askerlerin pefline süvariler tak›l›yor, süvariye söven Asâkir-i Mansûre piyadeleri ise “Yine bizi gâvura esir edecekler” serzenifliyle önce düflman süvarisine direnmeye çal›fl›yorlarsa da delillerin kaçt›¤›n› görünce onlar da firar kervan›na kat›l›yorlard›. H alil Rifat Pafla’n›n haz›rlad›¤› bir rapora göre, kuruluflundan 1837 fiubat›na kadar Asâkir-i Mansûre’ye yaz›lan asker say›s› 161.036 idi. Ancak 1837 fiubat ay›nda eldeki mevcut 54.670’i geçmiyordu. Yeni askerî nizam›n bafllang›c›ndan o tarihe kadar geçen süre içinde kaybolan nefer toplam› 106.366 idi. Bunlar›n 45.496’s› salg›n hastal›¤a kurban gitmifl, 21.928’i ise harp s›ras›nda kaybolmufltu. Muharebelerde öldü¤ü tesbit edilenler ise 1269’du. Firarîlerin say›s› 20.117 iken, esir düflenler sadece 1055 kadard›. Dikkat çekici di¤er iki rakam ise emeklili¤e hak kazanmadan azledilenlerle ordudan emekli olmay› baflarabilenlerdi. ‹lki 15.927 gibi oldukça yüksek bir rakamken, ikinci rakam sadece 1834’ten ibaret... Bir yedek asker havuzu olarak 1834 y›l›nda kurulan redif birliklerinin toplam› ise 1838 Mart›na gelindi¤inde 85.000’i bulmufltu. Ancak bunlar sefer için haz›r kuvvet olma vasf›na Sultan Mahmud’un saltanat› s›ras›nda pek kavuflamad›. Sultan›n Köle Zabitleri Sultan ve baflta Serasker Hüsrev Pafla olmak üzere devlet ricali için yeni ordunun sahip olmas› gereken bafll›ca vas›f, siyasi iktidara sad›k ve muti, “depolitize” bir askerî kuvvet olmas›yd›. Bu yüzden, ordunun komuta kademesini ya bizzat kendileri ya da en yak›n adamlar›/köleleriyle doldurmufllard›. Serasker Hüsrev Pafla, Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi s›ras›nda ordu seraskerli¤ine getirilen A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›n kaimmakaml›¤›na kendi hazinedar› Halil Pafla’y› tayin ettirmifl, bununla da yetinmeyerek Sadrazam Selim Mehmed Pafla’y› da bu savafl vesilesiyle payitahttan uzaklaflt›rmaya çal›flm›flt›. Nitekim fiumla’ya gidip ordunun komutas›n› alan sadrazam, sergiledi¤i performans sonras› II. Mahmud’un gözünden düflmüfltü. 114| | S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D At the beginning of the war there was no great response war; men who had been gathered and sent to the front began to flee as soon as “two cannons were fired”. According to reports that came from the front, the cavalry pursued the fleeing nefîr-i amm and the Asâkir-i Mansûre infantry, which, although at first trying to resist the enemy cavalry, complaining that the former “would have us be captured by the infidels once again”, also joined the desertion caravan when they saw the irregular cavalry retreating. According to a report prepared by Halil Rifat Pasha, the number of soldiers enrolled from the establishment of the Asâkir-i Mansûre until February 1837 was 161,036. However, in February 1837 the number on hand was no more than 54,670. From the start of the new military order until that date, the number of soldiers that was lost was 106,366. Of these, 45,496 were victims of contagious diseases; 21,928 were lost during battle. The number that died during battles was 1,269. While the number of deserters was 20,117, the number taken prisoner was 1,055. Another interesting two numbers are those who were dismissed before earning the right to retire from the army and those who managed to retire. The first was a rather high number, 15,927, while the second consisted of 1,834… The Redif troops, established as a pool of reserve soldiers in 1834, totaled 85,000 in 1838 March. However, these troops did not achieve readiness for battle during the reign of Sultan Mahmud. The Sultan’s Slave Officers For the sultan and the statesmen, including the commander-in-chief Husrev Pasha, the primary quality required for the new army was that it be a loyal and biddable “depoliticized” military force. For this reason, the commanding forces of the army were either filled by these men themselves or their close men/slaves. The commander-in-chief, Hüsrev Pasha, appointed his treasurer Halil Pasha as the secretary of Agha Hüseyin Pasha when the latter was brought to the post of commander-in-chief during the Ottoman Russian War; not satisfied with this, Hüsrev also tried to distance the grand vizier, Selim Mehmed Pasha, from the capital on the excuse of this war. In fact, the grand vizier, who went to fiumla and took command of the army, fell from favor with the sultan after the performance he displayed here. A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M Sadrazam Selim Pafla’n›n azli sonras›nda yerine, savafl s›ras›nda Varna Muhaf›zl›¤› görevini üstlenmifl olan Kaptan›derya Darendeli ‹zzet Pafla getirildi. ‹kisi aras›nda husumet vard› ve bir iddiaya göre s›rf bu yüzden ‹zzet Pafla Selim Pafla’y› iaflesiz, paras›z ve levaz›mats›z olarak Varna’y› muhafaza halinde b›rakm›flt›. ‹zzet Pafla’n›n üç ay süren sadareti sonras›ndaki halefi ise Hüsrev Pafla’n›n Kafkas kökenli kölesi Mehmed Reflid olacakt›. Onun sadrazam olarak ordu komutas›n› yüklenmesiyle beraber ise, A¤a Hüseyin Pafla Balkan geçitlerinin ve Rusçuk’un muhafazas› gibi görevlerle komuta kademesinde ikinci derece bir konuma düflürülecekti. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ordusuna karfl› giriflilen ilk muharebede de bu manzara de¤iflmedi. Anadolu Seraskeri tayin edilen A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›n alt›ndaki bütün komuta kademelerine Hüsrev Pafla kendi adamlar›n› yerlefltirince, ordu birbirlerinden tamamen kopuk muhtelif topluluklar görüntüsüne büründü. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n, o¤lu ‹brahim Pafla idaresinde S U L T A N M A H M U D I I After the dismissal of Grand Vizier, the kaptan pasha, Darendeli ‹zzet Pasha, who had taken on the duty of Guard of Varna during the war, was appointed in the former’s place. There was hostility between the two; indeed, it was claimed that it was for this reason that ‹zzet Pasha sent Selim Pasha without provisions, money or the necessary equipment as Guard of Varna. After the stint of ‹zzet Pasha as grand vizier, which lasted for three months, his successor was to be Hüsrev Pasha’s Caucasian slave, Mehmed Reflid. Along with taking on the responsibility of commanding the army as grand vizier, A¤a Hüseyin Pasha was to fall to a secondary position in the commanding force as the Guard of Ruse and the Balkan passes. Ordû-y› Hümâyun Habercisi, Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye ordusuna mensup er (Sa¤da), ‹flkodral›, Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye ordusuna ‹flkodra’dan al›nan gönüllü er The Ordû-y› Hümâyun Herald, a soldier of the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye (on the right) from ‹flkodra, a volunteer soldier of the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye from ‹flkodra (Fenerci) The first battle that the army undertook against Mehmed Ali Pasha did not change this situation. When Hüsrev placed his own men in the commanding positions under A¤a Hüseyin Pasha, who had been appointed as Anatolian chief-in-command, the army appeared as a 115| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H gönderdi¤i M›s›r ordusunun Suriye’deki karargâh›nda kumanda tek bir insan›n elinde iken Anadolu’da menfaatleri ayr› ve birbirlerini k›skanan birden çok kumandan vard›. Kald› ki, ‹ngiliz subay Adolphus Slade’in de iflaret etti¤i üzere, zabitlerle neferlerin vas›flar› aras›nda pek de bir fark yoktu. Cehaletteki eflitliklerine uygun olarak, “bey” ile di¤er rütbeler aras›nda herhangi bir derecelendirme yok gibiydi: “Miralay›n gözünde hepsi ayn› seviyedeydi. Miralay da kendi paflas›na (general) çubuk takdim etmekten fevkalâde memnundu. Hepsi bahflifle aç›k, hepsi falakaya maruzdu.” Slade’in ö¤rendi¤ine göre, 1836 senesinde iki miralay falakaya yat›r›lm›fl ve ordudan azlolunmufllard›. Hassa Topçusu Imperial Cannoneer (TSMK, Hazine, nr. 2367) Osmanl› Ordusunun Avrupal› Talim Çavufllar› Talimci olarak Avrupal› subaylar›n istihdam› bafllang›çta “mahzurlu” bulunmufltu. Lâkin çok geçmeden bu kararda esneklik gösterildi ve bir H›ristiyan›n Müslüman neferlerin âmiri olmas›na kamuoyunun gösterece¤i tepki de göze al›narak, Avrupal› subay ve talim çavufllar›n›n sözleflmeli istihdam›na baflland›. Asl›nda bu, Osmanl› Devleti’nde daha önceki devirlerde de baflvurulmufl bir yoldu. Ayr›ca, Sultan Mahmud’a Osmanl› siyasetinde rakip gözüken Mehmed Ali Pafla, Yanya hakimi Tepedelenli Ali Pafla, Ba¤dad Valisi Süleyman Pafla ve yine Ba¤dad’›n Memlûk valisi Davud Pafla da ‹stanbul’un dolay›m› olmaks›z›n kendi birlikleri için sultandan önce Avrupa’dan hem silah hem de talimci subaylar getirtmifllerdi. Yeni orduda istihdam edilen ilk Avrupal› subay, süvari birliklerine talimcilik yapan ‹talyan süvari subay› Giovanni Timoteo Calosso idi. Napoleon Bonaparte’›n Rusya seferine kat›lan Calosso, 1821 Piemonte Devrimi’nin Avusturya güçleri taraf›ndan bast›r›lmas› sonras› yüzbafl›yken 116| | S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D number of groups that were completely independent from one another. While the Egyptian army that had been sent under the command of ‹brahim Pasha, the son of Mehmed Ali Pasha, was under the control of a single person at the headquarters in Syria, in Anatolia there were many commanders who had many different agendas and were jealous of one another. What remains, as indicated by Adolphus Slade, was that there was no difference between the qualities of the officers and soldiers. In keeping with the equality in ignorance, there was no degree of any kind between the “beys” or the other ranks. “In the eyes of the colonel all were of the same rank. And he was quite happy to present the pipe to his pasha. All of them were willing to be given baksheesh while none of them were exempted from bastinado.” According to what Slade had learned, two colonels were subjected to the bastinado and then dismissed from the army in 1836. The European Drill Sergeants in the Ottoman Army At first, the employment of European officers as drill sergeants was found to be objectionable. However, before long this decision was relaxed, and while taking into account the public reaction of a Christian being in charge of Muslims soldiers, the contracted employment of European officers and drill sergeants began. In fact, this was a method that had been applied in earlier eras of the Ottoman State. Moreover, Mehmed Ali Pasha, who was seen to be the rival to Sultan Mahmud in Ottoman politics, the sovereign of Ionnia, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha, the governor of Baghdad, Süleyman Pasha and the Mamluk governor of Baghdad, Davud Pasha, had all brought both weapons and instructors A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M buradan ayr›lmak zorunda kalm›fl ve Fransa, ‹sviçre, ‹spanya, Belçika ve ‹ngiltere’de bulunduktan sonra Temmuz 1826’da en son isyanc› Yunanl›lar aras›nda kendine ifl aram›flt›. Burada pek uzun süre kalmayarak Mora’dan ‹zmir’e geçen Calosso, ‹stanbul’daki Frans›z elçisi Guilleminot’dan ald›¤› ça¤r› üzerine 1827 y›l›n›n hemen bafl›nda Osmanl› payitaht›na geldi. Elçi taraf›ndan Hüseyin A¤a’ya ve halefi Hüsrev Pafla’ya ›srarla tavsiye edildiyse de baflta ifle al›nmad›. Ancak sultan›n Vay Belim Ahmed A¤a’n›n becerisinden umudu kesip baflka bir süvari talimcisi istemesi üzerine Hüsrev Pafla hareket geçti ve Calosso’yu takdim etti. Onunla bizzat görüflen sultan memnun kald› ve bafllang›ç olarak Enderunlu 280 iço¤lan›na binicilik dersleri vermesini istedi. Bu say› k›sa zamanda tam 24 bölü¤e ulaflacakt›. Talim yapt›raca¤› neferlerin kendisine itaat etmekte tereddüt göstermemesi için sultan›n tavsiyesiyle “Rüstem A¤a” ismini alm›fl olsa da Calosso’ya hiçbir zaman sevk ve idare görevi verilmedi. Calosso’dan sonra Osmanl› hizmetine giren hemen her Avrupal› subay, t›pk› onun gibi, rütbe ve liyakatlerine uygun pozisyonlarda istihdam edilmemekten ve neferler ile halk›n kendilerine karfl› düflmanca tav›rlar›ndan flikayet edeceklerdi. S U L T A N M A H M U D I I from Europe for their troops without the mediation of Istanbul. The first European officer to be employed in the new army was the Italian cavalry officer Giovanni Timoteo Calosso, who trained the cavalry troops. Calosso, who participated in Napoleon Bonaparte’s Russian Campaign, was forced to leave his home country after the suppression of the revolution in Piedmont of 1821 by the Austrian forces; at this time he was still a captain. After going to France, Switzerland, Spain, Belgium and England, he finally started to look for a job among the Greek rebels, in July 1826. Calosso, who did not stay in Greece for long, went from the Peloponnese to ‹zmir, in response to the summons he had received from the French ambassador in Istanbul, Guilleminot; at the beginning of 1827 he arrived in the Ottoman capital. Even though he had been highly recommended to Hüseyin Agha and his successor, Hüsrev Pasha, by the ambassador, Calosso was not immediately employed. However, when the sultan lost hope in Vay Belim Ahmed Agha’s skills and demanded another cavalry commander, Hüsrev Pasha went into action and presented Calosso. The sultan met with him personally and was pleased; as a start requested that he give the 280 palace servants riding lessons. This number quickly reached 24 divisions. S Yeni orduda piyade s›n›f›n›n ilk yabanc› talimcisi ise, Napoleon’un ordusunda çavuflluk yapm›fl M. Gaillard, nam-› di¤er “Hurflid A¤a” olmufltu. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ordusunda bafltalimci, bir Frans›z generali olan Boyer iken, Osmanl› hükümetinin ordusunu bir çavufla emanet etmifl olmas› kayda de¤erdi. ‹lerleyen y›llarda ‹stanbul, siyasî sebeplerle ülkelerini terk eden ‹talyan subaylar›n ak›n›na u¤rad›. M›s›r ile karfl›laflt›r›ld›¤›nda Osmanl› Devleti’nden daha düflük ücretler almalar›na ve talim çavufllu¤undan öteye geçememelerine ra¤men Akdeniz’in en do¤usunda bulduklar› bu s›¤›naktan memnundular. 1829 May›s›nda ‹stanbul’a gelen Frans›z General Kont Hulôt ve ‹ngiliz D›fliflleri Bakan› Palmerstone’un 1834 y›l›nda gönderdi¤i General Chrzanowski gibi baz› yüksek rütbeli subaylar ise, teklif edilen “talimcilik”i yeterli bulmay›p bir süre sonra Osmanl› topraklar›n› terk etti. ‹lerleyen y›llarda bu macerapest subaylar›n yerini, Osmanl› ordusundaki yeniden yap›lanmay› yak›ndan takip etmek isteyen Avrupal› büyük devletlerce gönderilen resmî o that the soldiers who were to be trained would not hesitate to obey him, on the sultan’s recommendation Calosso took the name “Rüstem Agha”; however, Calosso was never given any dispatch or administration duties. After Calosso, almost every European officer that entered Ottoman services would also complain that they were not employed in suitable positions to their rank and capability, and that the soldiers and people displayed animosity towards them. The first foreign drill sergeant for the infantry class of the new army was M. Gaillard, who had been a sergeant in Napoleon’s army; he became Hurflid Agha. While the head instructor in Mehmed Ali Pasha’s army was the French general, Boyer, it is worth recording that the Ottoman government entrusted the army to a sergeant. In future years there was an influx of Italian officers, due to political reasons in their own 117| | Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye’nin talimi Military drills for the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye (Muhammed Necati, TSM, Hazine, 2045) 118| | 119| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D country. They were pleased by this further point east on the Mediterranean, even when they could not rise beyond the rank of drill sergeant and received lower pay from the Ottoman State in comparison to Egypt. However some high ranking officers, like Count Hulot, who arrived in Istanbul in May 1829, and General Chrzanowski, who was sent in 1834 by the British minister of foreign affairs, Palmerstone, were not satisfied with the rank of “drill sergeant” and soon left Ottoman soil. In future years the place of these adventurous officers was taken by official military missionaries who were sent by the great European states in a desire to keep track of the restructuring that was taking place in the Ottoman army. From Prussia, Britain, France, and Austria infantry, cavalry, cannoneers, fortification officers and engineers (sometimes their salaries were paid by these states) came into Ottoman service. Many of these carried out drills; some gave technical advice on reforms to forts and fortifications, cannons or the production of weapons. After the first Ottoman-Egyptian Battle and the defeat there, the sultan approached Russia; the Russian cavalry and infantry, brought in 1834, joined the foreign drill sergeants. However, when the Ottoman soldiers reacted more negatively to the Russian instructors than the other foreigners, this attempt turned out to be not very productive. In the name of establishing diplomatic closeness with the European states, the Ottoman government demanded military advisors, one after another; sometimes they were at a loss at how to employ the officers from different countries, who were sometimes sent at the same time. Taking into account the reactions that the European states might display to one another, military missions were sometimes held back from being sent, sometimes protests were registered about the sending of officers from other states. At first, some leading statesmen, lead by Hüsrev Pasha, did not want to share the power inside the new army, not even with foreign officers, making an excuse of their Christianity and obstructing these European officers from taking greater duties. Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye binbafl›s› Officers, Engineers, Physicians In the beginning both the commander-in-chief, Hüsrev Pasha, who had placed slaves among the A major of the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye (Mahmud fievket Pafla) 120| | A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M askerî misyonlar ald›. Prusya’dan, ‹ngiltere’den, Fransa’dan, Avusturya’dan gelen ve bazen maafllar› da bu devletlerce ödenen piyade, süvari, topçu, istihkâm subay ve mühendisleri, Osmanl› hizmetine al›nd›. Bunlar›n ço¤u talimcilikle u¤raflt›, az bir k›sm› ise kale ve istihkâm, top ve silah imalât›n›n reformunda teknik dan›flmanl›k yapt›. ‹lk Osmanl›-M›s›r Savafl› sonras›nda al›nan ma¤lubiyet üzerine sultan Rusya ile yak›nlaflma yoluna gidince, 1834’te getirtilen Rus süvari ve piyadeleri de yabanc› talimciler aras›na kat›lacakt›. Ancak Osmanl› neferleri Moskovlu bir muallime di¤er ecnebilere gösterdi¤inden de fliddetli tepki gösterince bunlardan pek verim al›namad›. Diplomatik yak›nl›k kurmak ad›na Avrupa devletlerinden birbiri pefli s›ra askerî dan›flmanlar isteyen Osmanl› hükümeti, bazen ayn› anda gönderilen farkl› ülke subaylar›n› nas›l istihdam edece¤ini bilemedi. Avrupal› devletler ise birbirlerinin gösterece¤i tepkileri hesaba katarak bazen askerî misyon göndermekten geri durdu, bazen de kendi yerine baflka bir devletin subaylar›n› göndermesini engellemek için protestolarda bulundu. Baflta Hüsrev Pafla olmak üzere yeni ordu içindeki iktidarlar›n› yabanc› subaylar da dâhil kimseyle paylaflmak istemeyen baz› devlet ricali, H›ristiyanl›klar›n› bahane ederek bu Avrupal› subaylar›n daha üst görevler almas›na mani olmufllard›. S U L T A N M A H M U D I I ranks of middle commanders, and Sultan Mahmud, who, ignoring this, had appointed officers from the Enderun aghas at the palace, had no intention to establish a military school to train officers. After the first Egyptian defeat, on the recommendation of Nam›k Pasha, who had gone to London and Paris to find diplomatic and military support, such an undertaking was attempted. The first military school class was given a place in the organization of the Imperial Guards (Hassa), making it appear to be a battalion connected to Nam›k Pasha’s Imperial Guards division, due to fear of the commander-in-chief’s intervention. W Mektepli Zabit, Mühendis, Hekim Ordu komuta kademelerine kölelerini yerlefltiren Serasker Hüsrev Pafla ve buna göz yumup kendisi de saraydaki Enderun a¤alar›ndan zabit tayin eden Sultan Mahmud’un, zabit yetifltirecek bir harp mektebi kurma niyetleri bafllarda yok gibiydi. ‹lk M›s›r ma¤lubiyetinden sonra diplomatik ve askerî destek bulmak için Londra ve Paris’e giden Nam›k Pafla’n›n tavsiyesiyle 1834 yaz›nda ilk kez böyle bir teflebbüste bulunuldu. Serasker’in aleyhte müdahelesinden çekinildi¤i için, ilk harp mektebi s›n›f›na, Hassa Ordusu teflkilat›nda ancak sanki Nam›k Pafla’n›n hassa f›rkas›na ba¤l› bir taburmufl gibi gösterilmek suretiyle yer verilebilmiflti. Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’nin patlak verdi¤i 1828 y›l›nda ‹stanbul’da bulunmufl ‹ngiliz subay Charles MacFarlane’e göre, Osmanl› komuta kademesinde yeterince tahsilli ikinci mülaz›m ve üstü subay bulunmad›¤› için, bütün ifl az say›daki üst subaya kalmaktayd›. Neferlerin binbafl› ya da miralaylara gösterdi¤i sayg›, bilgi ya da ith the outbreak of the Ottoman-Russian War, according to the British officer Charles MacFarlane, who was in Istanbul in 1828, as there was no lieutenant or superior officers in the Ottoman commanding ranks with enough education, all of these tasks were given to the small number of superior officers. The respect shown by the soldiers to the majors and colonels was more for their clothing and medals than their knowledge or skills. Most of the officers did not know how to read and write; they did not have much knowledge about military science other than routine matters. The Mekteb-i Harbiyye, the Ottoman Military School, which was established to train bureaucrat-officers for the army, of course did not change this situation at once. Officer cadets from Istanbul, made up from the Anatolian and Rumelian Muslim population, at first did not receive very technical education in the school that had been established, which was referred to as the Ottoman Ecole Militaire on paper. The Maçka Barracks were allocated to the school, which in the first years had a teaching staff made up from the ulama for the most part; here the repairs to the main buildings and the construction of the auxiliary buildings were finished in the autumn of 1835. In the copy of the Takvim-i Vekayi dated 12 June, 1835, it is mentioned that some rooms within the Rami Barracks were transformed for the lessons of the Mekteb-i Harbiyye. In addition to the four towers at the corners of the barracks, the sultan’s personal summer house and apartments and the two-floored rooms on both sides of the mosque were allocated to the officers. The sultan gave the instructions that the rooms on both sides of the matbah (kitchen) also be allocated to the Mekteb-i 121| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H becerilerinden çok, üzerlerindeki mintana ve niflanlar›nayd›. Zabitlerin ço¤u okuma yazma bilmiyor, askerî nazariyelere dair rutin ifllerden fazlas›n› ö¤renmiyorlard›. Orduya bürokrat-zabit yetifltirmek üzere kurulmufl Mekteb-i Harbiyye elbette bu tabloyu bir anda de¤ifltirmedi. ‹stanbul, Anadolu ve Rumeli’nin Müslüman ahalisinden zabit adaylar›, k⤛t üstünde Osmanl› École Militaire’i olmak iddias›yla kurulan mektepte bafllang›çta pek de teknik bir e¤itim görmemekteydi. ‹lk y›llar›nda ulema a¤›rl›kl› bir hoca kadrosu olan mektep için Maçka K›fllas› tahsis edilmifl, burada giriflilen tamirat ve ilâve inflaatlar›n bitifli 1835 güzünü bulmufltu. Takvîm-i Vekâyi’in 12 Haziran 1835 tarihli nüshas›nda ise Rami K›fllas› içinde baz› odalar›n Mekteb-i Harbiye dersleri için uygun hale getirildi¤inden bahsolunmufltur. Buna göre, k›fllan›n dört köflesindeki kulelerinin yan›s›ra, padiflaha mahsus kas›r ile hususî daire ve nihayet caminin her iki taraf›ndaki ikifler katl› odalar da zabitlere tahsis edilmiflti. Mutfa¤›n (matbah) iki taraf›nda da Mekteb-i Harbiye odalar› tesis edilmesi yönünde bizzat talimat veren, s›n›f›n döfleme tahtalar›na meyil verilerek hocalar›n oturduklar› yerden bütün 122| | S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D Harbiyye; he requested that when decorating the classes, the floors be angled so that the teachers could see all the students from where they sat and everyone could hear their voices. When the sultan saw that only two rooms had been designed in this way, he did not hesitate to express his anger. Teaching in the Mekteb-i Harbiyye began at the end of 1836; however, as an institution it can be said that it took on a serious identity only at the end of 1837. Richard Burgess, who was in the Ottoman territory in 1834, mentions that schools had been opened in the barracks of Istanbul and that here approximately 1,500 young officers, under the age of 20, were receiving lessons every day. Three months after opening, David Porter, who toured both schools, stated that after carrying out weapon drills the young soldiers were given lessons in these classrooms and many were literate and numerate. In fact, preparations for a topography class had begun, and the students had drawn up plans for a road under the guidance of German instructors. From 1826 on, the education of the engineers which the army was in need of was carried out A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I talebeleri görebilmesinin ve seslerini herkese duyurabilmesinin sa¤lanmas›n› isteyen sultan sadece iki odan›n buna uygun yap›ld›¤›n› görünce tepki vermekten geri durmam›flt›. Mekteb-i Harbiye’de ö¤retime 1836 y›l› sonlar›nda baflland›¤›, ama kurumun ancak 1837 sonlar›nda ciddi bir hüviyet kazand›¤› söylenebilir. in two institutions with nearly half a century of tradition: the Mühendishane-i Berrî and the Mühendishane-i Bahrî…As the number of students for the Mühendishane, located in Hasköy, was low, it was not possible that two engineers be allocated to every brigade, despite this being required in the Regulation of the Asâkir-i Mansûre. 1834 y›l›nda Osmanl› topraklar›nda bulunmufl olan Richard Burgess, sultan›n ‹stanbul’daki k›fllalar›n tamam›nda mektepler açt›rd›¤›ndan ve yafllar› yirminin alt›nda yaklafl›k 1500 genç zabitin buralarda her gün ders gördü¤ünden bahsetmifltir. Aç›ld›ktan üç ay sonra her iki mektebi de gezdi¤ini belirten David Porter, genç askerlerin k›fllalardaki silahl› talimlerinden sonra bu s›n›flarda ders ald›klar›na ve ço¤unun okuryazar ve say› sayar hale geldiklerine flahit olmufltu. Hatta bir topografya s›n›f›n›n da haz›rl›klar›na bafllanm›fl, talebeler Alman hocalar›n nezaretinde bir yolun planlar›n› ç›karm›fllard›. The duties of the engineers in the new army in times of peace was to first measure the drill field and calculate how many soldiers could be placed there; from here they were to establish what form the battalions would take in drill, and how many different types of tasks they could carry out. They had more duties during times of war. After the tents had been established ‘based on the principles of the science of engineering’, they built the earthworks and trenches, making the necessary fortifications around the troops and surrounding them with trenches, determining the location of the night watch-houses and setting out the boundaries, establishing bridges over the rivers that the army would have to cross on its way, determining the region where the battle was to take place with the help of hendese (geometry), making maps, and many Ordunun ihtiyac› olan mühendis kadrosunun e¤itimi için, 1826 tarihi itibariyle yaklafl›k yar›m as›rl›k bir gelene¤e sahip iki kurum mevcuttu: Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye piyade ve zabitleri (sa¤dan sola) 1- Topçu neferi 2- Humbarac› neferi 3- Yüzbafl› 4- Kola¤as› 5- Piyade neferi 6- Bahriye neferi 7- Piyade neferi 8- Piyade zabiti 9- Harbiye Mektebi ö¤rencisi 10- Bahriye zabiti The infantry and officers (from right to left) of the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye 1- Cannoneer private 2- a Bombardier private 3- a captain 4- a lieutenant captain 5- an infantry private 6- a naval private 7- an infantry private 8- an infantry officer 9- a student of the Military School 10- a naval officer (Mahmut fievket Pafla) 123| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D Yeni Ordunun Alâmet-i Farikalar›: Fes, Üniforma, Bando Yrd. Doç. Dr. Gültekin Y›ld›z III. Selim’in Nizâm-› Cedîd’i gibi, II. Mahmud’un Asâkir-i Mansûre’sinde de neferlere mavi bere, k›rm›z› pantolon ve k›rm›z› ceketten oluflan Frans›z tarz› bir üniforma giydirilmesi kararlaflt›r›lm›flt›. Ancak bu kez, sadece askerler de¤il bizzat padiflah›n kendisi de kamunun önüne benzeri bir k›yafetle ç›kacakt›. Oysa en büyük iç siyasî rakibi olan Mehmed Ali Pafla, kurdu¤u orduda nefer ve subaylara Avrupa tarz› üniforma giydirmiflse de kendisi geleneksel k›yafetini terk etmemiflti. Sultan Mahmud ise üzerindeki kaftan› ve bafl›ndaki sar›¤› atarak kadîm Osmanl› padiflah› suretini geriye dönüflsüz olarak ortadan kald›rmakta tereddüt etmedi. Askerî talim ve manevralara da k›rm›z› fleritli süvari üniformas›, lacivert paltosu ve siyah çizmeleriyle ç›kt›. Böylece belki de, rakibi ile girdi¤i “imaj savafl›”nda Avrupa kamuoyu nezdinde öne geçmek istiyordu. O tarihlerde ‹stanbul’a gelen ve sultan› görme imkân› yakalayan yabanc›lardan bir k›sm› bu yeni k›yafeti fazla basit bulurken önceki Osmanl› padiflah k›yafetine göre daha erkeksi bulanlar da vard›. M›s›r yoluyla Tunus’tan ithal edilen fes ise Osmanl›lar kadar yabanc›lar›n da pek hofluna gitmemiflti. Çünkü fes ne kavuk ve sar›k ne de flapka idi. Yeni ordu nefer ve zabitlerinin, Asâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’nde bafll›k olarak yer alan “flubara” yerine fes giymeleri yönündeki de¤ifliklik, girdikleri ilk devletleraras› savafl olan 1828-29 Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi arefesinde gerçekleflmiflti. fiubaralar günefle ve ya¤mura dayanamay›p k›sa sürede y›prand›¤›ndan bunun yerine yeni bir bafll›k bulunmas› gündeme gelince, Seraskerlik birkaç numune fes yapt›rarak askerlere giydirtmiflti. Ordu idarecilerine en münasip gözükeni sâde fes/dal fes olmufl, sultan da bu tercihi memnuniyetle karfl›lam›flt›. Bir “din ve devlet meselesi” haline getirilen yeni askerî bafll›k, fleyhülislâm kona¤›nda eski fleyhülislâm, serasker, Asâkir-i Mansûre’nin ilk seraskeri A¤a Hüseyin Pafla ve kapudan pafla ile oca¤›n kald›r›l›fl› s›ras›nda öne ç›km›fl dersiam Ah›shal› Ahmed Efendi ve Akflehirli Hac› Ömer Efendi’nin de aralar›nda bulundu¤u hocalar›n huzurunda resmen görücüye ç›km›flt›. Müzakere sonucunda halk aras›nda dedikodulara sebep olmamas› için fes püsküllerinin biraz k›salt›lmas› yönündeki teklif genel kabul gördü. Hemen orac›kta fleyhülislam taraf›ndan püskülü “yar›m parmak” kesilen fes Osmanl› askerinin yeni bafll›¤› olmufltu. Askerlerin bu yeni bafll›¤a al›flmas› baya¤› zor oldu. Günefl ve ya¤murdan koruyamamas› ve süvari k›l›c›na karfl› siper olmamas› festen flikâyet nedenleriydi. Sultan feste diretmifl ve neferlere günefle karfl› bafll›klar›n› kenarl›kla takmalar›n› önermiflse de neferler uleman›n da deste¤iyle bu teklifi reddettiler; böylesi bir ç›k›nt›yla namazda al›nlar› secdeye varam›yordu. Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye’nin musiki neferi II. Mahmud da bu defa namaz k›larken bafll›klar›n›n önünü arkaya çevirmelerini teklif etti. Yeni üniformalar›yla Avrupa savafl sahnesine ilk kez Osmanl›-Rusya Savafl›’nda ç›kan düzenli Osmanl› ordusunun fesi kadar, pantolon ve ceketi de Bat›l› gözlemcilerin dikkatini çekmiflti: süvarilerin dar turuncu fleritli Rus tipi darca mavi ceketleri ve bald›rlar›nda darlaflan mavi A member of the Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammadiye band (Mahmut fievket Pafla) 124| | A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I pantolonlar›, piyadelerin savaflta kaçmalar›n› zorlaflt›racak kadar bol ve büyük flalvar›ms› pantolonlar›; hassa askerlerinin k›fl›n mavi yaz›n beyaz renkte ve dizden sonra daralan pantolonlar›, yine hassa süvarilerinin yazl›k olarak verilmesine ra¤men kal›n ve kaba beyaz pamukludan mamul üniformalar›. Bafll›k ve üniforma gibi, piyadelerin ayaklar›na ne giyece¤i de yeni ordunun ilk y›l›nda problem olmufltu. Ayaklar›na süvariler gibi çizme geçirtilen piyadeler ‹stanbul’dan E¤riboz’a giderken Tekirda¤’da çamur deryas›na tak›lm›fllar ve yürüyemez hale gelince onu ç›kar›p ayaklar›na eskisi gibi çar›k giymifllerdi. Daha önce Rumeli Ordusu’na gönderilmifl neferler de benzeri s›k›nt›lar› yaflam›fllard›. Bunun üzerine 1827 A¤ustosunda Seraskerlik’te yap›lan toplant›da piyadelere süvariler gibi çizme de¤il, üç ayda bir “galavra ta‘bîr olunur ayak yemenisi” verilmesi kararlaflt›r›ld›. Bunlar›n imali için bir devlet tabakhhanesi kurulacakt›. Ancak yeni deri ayakkab›lar›na al›flmakta zorlanan pek çok zabit ve nefer, bunlar› çar›klaflt›rmay›/terliklefltirmeyi, yani arkas›n› topuklar›n›n alt›na al›p giymeyi tercih etti. Üstelik ço¤unun ayakkab›s›, öyle idarenin istedi¤i gibi siyah boyal› ve cilal› da de¤il, aksine çamurlu ve sanki hiç f›rça yüzü görmemifl gibiydi. ‹stanbul’daki Amerikal› misyoner Walsh’un aktard›¤›na göre, neferler di¤er Avrupa teçhizat› gibi f›rçalar› da alm›fllar, ancak bunun domuz k›l›ndan yap›ld›¤›n› ö¤renince ona dokunmamay› tercih etmifllerdi. T›pk› 1829 y›l›nda, al›fl›ld›k üstü genifl, bald›rlar› dar, flalvar›ms› potur yerine neferlere giydirilmek istenen dar kesimli pantolonlar gibi. Asâkir-i Mansûre ile birlikte Osmanl› zabitleri, üniformalar›n sol gö¤sü üstüne rütbelerinin anlafl›lmas› için verilen niflanlar› takmaya bafllad›. Seraskerlik’ten üst rütbelilere elmastan, alt rütbelilere ise alt›n ve gümüflten ‘ay y›ld›zl› niflanlar’ verilmekteydi. Ayr›ca süvari zabit ve neferlerine verilecek üst bafl aras›nda ‘ay ve y›ld›z flemse’ de bulunmaktayd›. Taburlardaki askerlere verilen eflya aras›nda ise ay y›ld›zl› boyun kay›fl› vard›. Ayr›ca her alay›n yeflil sanca¤›nda da s›rma ifllemeli ay-y›ld›z bulunuyordu. T›pk› asker k›yafeti gibi orduda ve devlet merasimlerinde çal›nan müzik de bu süreçte alafrangalaflt›r›lanlardand›. Asâkir-i Mansûre’nin tabur ve alaylar›nda muz›ka tak›mlar› kurularak, bunlar›n çalaca¤› marfllarla talimlerde ve ordu karargâhlar›nda askerlerin teflvik edilmesi öngörülmüfltü. Bu maksatla Avrupa’dan müzik aletleri sat›n al›nd›. ‹stanbul’daki Sardunya temsilcisi Marki Groppalo arac›l›¤›yla getirtilen Piemonteli Profesör Donizetti’nin pek çok enstrümanla 17 Eylül 1828’de ‹stanbul’a gelifli bu sahada bir dönüm noktas› oldu. Enderun ve Darüssaade a¤alar›ndan kurulmufl saray bandosunun, yani Muz›ka-y› Hümâyun’un yabanc› subay Manguel’den sonraki flefi olan Donizetti, 1831’de Üsküdar’da aç›lan Muz›ka Mektebi’nin idaresini üstlendi. II. Mahmud ad›na Mahmudiye marfl›n› besteledi. Böylece art›k kamuya aç›k Osmanl› merasimlerinde “Tanr› Kral› Korusun” (God Save the King) ya da “Yafla IV. Henri” (Vive Henri IV) gibi marfllar›n çal›nmas›na son verilebilecekti. 125| | Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H I I . M A H M U D Mühendishâne-i Berrî ve Mühendishâne-i Bahrî... Hasköy’de yer alan Mühendishane’nin talebesi az oldu¤undan, Asâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’nde yaz›ld›¤› üzere, aç›lan her tertibe iki mühendis verilmesi ilk baflta mümkün olmam›flt›. other matters. Taking into account the location of the enemy, they would calculate the reformation of the soldiers in battle, stating the situation before the siege of forts and they would act as advance scouts to investigate the bivouac route that the army would cross. Yeni orduda mühendislerin bar›fl zaman›ndaki görevleri, talim yap›lacak alanlara önceden gidip geniflli¤ini ve ne kadar asker alaca¤›n› hesaplamak ve burada talimde ne flekilde tabur kurulaca¤›n›, kaç türlü “sanâyi‘ icrâs› kâbil olaca¤›n›” belirlemekti. Sefer zaman› ise vazifeleri daha çoktu: Çad›rlar› “hutût-› hendesiye üzere” kurdurmaktan metris ve palanka infla etmeye, taburun etraf›n› gerekli tabya ve hendeklerle çevirmekten geceleri karakol yerlerini belirleyip s›n›rlamaya, yolda ordunun karfl›s›na ç›kan nehirler üzerine köprü kurmaktan muharebe olunacak mahalli hendese yard›m›yla belirleyip haritas›n› ç›karmaya kadar pek çok hususta mühendisler devreye girecekti. Düflman›n yerini dikkate alarak savaflta askerlerin flekil de¤ifltirifllerini hesaplamak, kale kuflatmalar› öncesi görüfl bildirmek ve öncü olarak gidip ordu nüzûlgâh›n› incelemek de mühendislerin uhdesindeydi. Another institution that was opened in the hope of training technical men for the army was the T›bhâne-i Âmire, the Medical School. As with the Russian Army, the medical men were mostly German or French; almost all of the physicians, surgeons and pharmacists who served in the battalions of the Ottoman army were non-Muslim Ottoman citizens who had been trained in Europe or foreign physicians who had come from Europe. However, the new army, which was to be formed of Muslim soldiers and officers, wanted physicians and surgeons who were Muslim. It was intended that these officers would be trained in such a way that they would know both the old medicine and the “new medicine”, as well as the appropriate foreign languages. The T›bhane, established for this purpose, first gave birth to the Cerrahhâne-i Askerî, the Surgery School, and was then divided into two; later it was renamed the Mekteb-i T›bb›yye-i fiâhâne under the directorship of the Austrian Karl Ambroso Bernard. O rdu için teknik adam yetifltirmesi ümidiyle aç›lan bir di¤er kurum da T›bhâne-i Âmire olmufltu. Rakip Rusya ordusunda s›hhiyecilerin genellikle Alman ve Frans›zlardan oluflmas› gibi, Osmanl› ordusunda da k›talarda görev yapan tabip, cerrah ve eczac›lar›n tamam›na yak›n› Avrupa’da tahsil görmüfl gayrimüslim Osmanl› tebaas› ve Avrupa’dan gelme yabanc› hekimlerdi. Ancak neferleri ve zabitleri Müslümanlardan oluflmas› planlanan yeni orduda, tabip ve cerrahlar›n da Müslüman olmas› isteniyordu. Bunlar›n, kadîm Osmanl› t›bb› ile “yeni t›bb”› ve ona uygun yabanc› dilleri de bilecek flekilde yetifltirilmesi hedeflenmekteydi. Bu maksatla kurulan T›bhane, önce içinden Cerrahhâne-i Askerî’yi ç›kararak ikiye bölündü, sonra Avusturyal› Karl Ambroso Bernard’›n müdürlü¤ünde Mekteb-i T›bbiye-i fiâhâne ad›n› ald›. Mekteb-i Harbiye, mühendishaneler ve T›bhane’nin kütüphanelerinden araç gereçlerine kadar pek çok husustaki eksiklikleri, kaynak bulundukça Avrupa’dan ithal edilerek giderilmeye çal›fl›ld›. Ayr›ca, Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n 1809 y›l›ndan itibaren yapt›¤› gibi, 126| | S U L T A N Many of the necessities, down to the requirements of the Mekteb-i Harbiye, Mühendishane and T›bhane libraries, were imported from Europe, at least to the extent that was possible due to the financial situation of state. Moreover, from 1835 on, the Ottoman government, much like Mehmed Ali Pasha had done after 1809, sent military students to Paris, London, Vienna and Berlin for education in “military sciences” and foreign languages. At first, some civilian personnel, like Ohannes Efendi, from the famous Dadian family, and his son, were given the duty to go to Britain and France and study institutions that were similar to the gunpowder factories and industrial production in Tophane so that they could adapt them as appropriate. Importation of Weapons and the Establishment of Local Military Industries To fulfill its needs for weapons for the newlyestablished army, the Ottoman government turned mostly to Belgium and Austria, rather than Britain, with whom they had fallen out during the Greek Rebellion. Great Britain, A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I 1827’de ilk defa Avrupa’ya gönderilen ve sonraki dönemlerde önemli görevlere getirilen Türk talebeleri. Sa¤dan sola: Topçu generallerinden Hüseyin R›fk› Pafla, Deniz Subay› Ahmed Bey, Kurmay Albay Abdüllatif Bey, Maden Mühendisi Sadrazam Edhem Pafla Turkish students who were brought from Europe for important duties for the first time in 1827 and in later eras. From right to left: Hüseyin R›fk› Pasha, Naval Lieutenant Ahmed Bey, Staff Colonel Abdüllatif Bey, Mining Engineer Grand Vizier Edhem Pasha of the Cannoneer Generals (Paris 1830, Tanzimat) Osmanl› hükümeti de 1835 y›l›ndan itibaren Mekteb-i Harbiye’den ve Mühendishâne-i Berrî’den fünûn-› harbiye ve lisân-› ecnebiye tahsili için Paris, Londra, Viyana ve Berlin’e askerî talebeler gönderdi. Baflta meflhur Dadian ailesinden Ohannes Efendi ve o¤lu olmak üzere baz› sivil personel de, ‹stanbul’daki baruthaneleri ve Tophane’yi endüstriyel üretime adapte edebilmeleri için ‹ngiltere ve Fransa’daki muadil tesisleri incelemekle görevlendirildiler. Silah ‹thalat› ve Yerli Askerî Sanayinin Kurulmas› Osmanl› hükümeti yeni kurulan ordu için silah ihtiyac›n›, Rum ‹syan› s›ras›nda ters düfltü¤ü ‹ngiltere yerine, a¤›rl›kl› olarak Belçika ve Avusturya’dan gidermek yoluna gitmiflti. Osmanl› Devleti’ne silah ambargosu uygulayan imposing a weapons embargo on the Ottoman State, changed this attitude by the end of the same year. The importation of weapons, mostly to Istanbul and ‹zmir, was carried out by European merchants. The sultan was the final focal point of weapons procurement; in a note that he made on a memorandum concerned with weapons to be bought from Trieste, he stated that some weapons had earlier been purchased from the same area, but the barrels and iron parts of these had been faulty. The sultan went on to warn that if the new ones were not in good condition then this money would have been wasted. After the first years, the establishment of a rifle factory to increase the volume of local rifles, which were largely hand-crafted by masters in 127| | A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M ‹ngiltere, ayn› y›l›n sonunda bu tavr›n› de¤ifltirdi. Silah ithalat› a¤›rl›kl› olarak ‹stanbul ve ‹zmir’deki “Frenk tüccarlar›” arac›l›¤›yla yürütülüyordu. Silah al›mlar›nda son tasdik merci olan sultan, Trieste’den al›nacak tüfekler hakk›nda sunulan bir takririn üstüne düfltü¤ü notta, oradan daha önce de bir parti tüfek geldi¤ini ve bunlar›n kundak ve demirlerinin sakat ç›kt›¤›n› hat›rlatm›fl ve e¤er yeni gelenler de sa¤lam ç›kmazsa bunun “nâfile masraftan ibâret olaca¤›” ikaz›nda bulunmufltu. S U L T A N M A H M U D I I Istanbul and some cities in Rumelia, came onto the agenda. To aid this, steam machinery was imported from Great Britain and experts were also brought in. The place chosen for this rifle factory was the empty land around Dolmabahçe, were the existing Tüfenkhane was; the factory soon began production. T ‹lk y›llar›n ard›ndan, ‹stanbul ve Rumeli’nin baz› flehirlerindeki ustalar›n el eme¤ine dayal› yerli tüfek imalat›n›n hacminde art›fl sa¤lanmas› için bir Tüfenkhâne-i Âmire kurulmas› gündeme geldi. Bunun için ‹ngiltere’den buharl› makineler ithal edildi ve uzman personel getirtildi. Bu tüfek fabrikas› için seçilen yer, mevcut tüfenkhanenin de bulundu¤u Dolmabahçe civar›ndaki bofl arsa olmufl ve fabrika bir süre sonra üretime bafllam›flt›. ‹ngiltere’den getirtilen buharl› makinalarla Tüfenkhane’nin yan›s›ra bir de top fabrikas› (Tophane Vapurhanesi) hizmete sokuldu. Ayr›ca Tüfenkhane için demir üreten Samako Dökümhanesi de ‹ngiliz mühendisler dan›flmanl›¤›nda yeniden yap›land›r›ld›. ‹stanbul’daki tüfek fabrikas›na yeterince demir gelmemesine k›zan sultan, “Memâlik-i fiâhâne’nin bâz› mahallerinde demir mâdenleri var ise de lây›k›yla bak›lmayarak flunun bunun yed-i zabt ü taht›nda kald›¤›” ikaz›yla ‹vraniye kazas› mirmirân› Hüseyin Pafla’y› suçlam›fl ve madenin esasen devletine ait oldu¤unu ifade ederek Baruthâne-i Âmire Hazinesi taraf›ndan zabtolunup iflletilmesi emrini vermiflti. he steam machinery that was brought from Great Britain was put into service not only in the Tüfenkhane (Imperial Rifle Factory), but also the Tophâne vapurhânesi (cannon foundry). Moreover, the Samako foundry, which produced iron for the Tüfenkhane was reorganized on the advice of British engineers. The sultan, enraged that not enough iron had come to the rifle factory in Istanbul, was known to have blamed the governor of the ‹vraniye province, Hüseyin Pasha saying ‘There are some iron mines in the Glorious State, belonging to certain individuals which are not being properly operated,” and stated that the mine essentially belonged to the state; he ordered that the mines be confiscated and operated by the Baruthâne-i Âmire Hazinesi (Imperial Gunpowder Factory Treasury) After the production at the Tüfenkhane reached a certain level, the sultan’s attitude to purchasing rifles changed. He became enraged when a project for purchasing rifles came in front of him for approval and asked if 500 purses of akçe were being taken from the mint every month to pay for the production of weapons in the Tüfenkhane-i Âmire, why then were weapons being imported? Another matter which the sultan criticized was the disorder that was experienced in distributing the weapons to the newly-established troops. Tüfenkhane’nin belirli bir üretime varmas›n›n ard›ndan, sultan›n tüfek al›mlar›na karfl› tavr› da de¤iflmiflti. Onay için önüne gelen bir tüfek sat›n alma projesi karfl›s›nda fevkalâde hiddetlendi¤i ve her ay Darbhane’den ç›kart›lan 500 kese akçe ödenekle Tüfenkhâne-i Âmire’de silah imal edilirken niye ithalat yoluna gidildi¤ini sorgulad›¤› biliniyor. Sultan›n elefltiri getirdi¤i bir di¤er husus da, yeni aç›lan birliklere silah verilmesinde yaflanan düzensizlikler olmufltu. II. Mahmud (TSM, nr., 17-51) (Sol sayfa / Facing page) 129| |