crime and the news media
Transkript
crime and the news media
Polis Bilimleri Dergisi Cilt:1(3) Turkish Journal of Police Studies Vol.:1(3) CRIME AND THE NEWS MEDIA Dr. Korni Swaroop KUMAR Sociology Department Suny College at Potsdam, Potsdam, New York, USA Abstract Historically, any form of news-making is an institutional method of making information available to an audience or customers; it is located and gathered by professionals within organizations. Essentially, news in some form reflect society, indeed, it is a “mirror of reality” (Tuchman, 1978). Some social scientists contend that the news media serves a valuable social function by publicizing crime: it gives detailed information about a specific event; it continually defines and redefines the social boundaries of norms; and of doing so, it structures public perceptions about the nature, severity, and extent of criminal acts. Criminal acts must be made visible (become known) by throughout society in order to strengthen and reinforce common social values, and, in addition, continually confirming the success of social control measures. News-media is typically involved in supplying information and context to an audience who may have no empirical references, i.e., no first-hand experiences of the event, no definitely shaped or attitudes, in case of having definite attitudes, it helps the event to be conceptualized within the existing paradigm. The media can, and does, deliver such information, “suddenly and dramatically” (Young, 1981). Young (1981) goes on to argue that “(the) stereotypical depiction of the atypical seems to serve (Re: Durkheimian functionalism) to unite the population in a sense of their own moral righteousness.” In this paper, I will attempt to present some of the ways the crime news is articulated by news commentators and researchers/social scientists. Key words: audience, criminal events, dissemination, news-media, violent crime and commentators. sensationalism, 18 Polis Bilimleri Dergisi Introduction Social Scientists working in the field of communication argue that the news-media is involved in supplying information and its context to an audience which may have no empirical reference, i.e., no first-hand experience of such events, no clearly set attitudes, or in the case of definite attitudes, the event will be conceptualized within an existing paradigm. The news-media can (in general, and in particular), and does deliver such information, "suddenly and dramatically" (Young, 1981). Since the early beginnings, one of the vital functions of the news-media especially with regard to crime/s or crime news was to publicize moral dilemmas by drawing attention to the ethical issues arising from a specific criminal act and by offering plausible societal responses. Crime and News-Media Consequentially, if we as social scientists are to examine the distinct sub-category of crime and the news-media, it is likely to produce various modes of objective as well as subjective interpretations. However, Hall (1981) forcefully argues that crime is one wider boundary of social consciousness involving unacceptable behavior. The literature reveals that crime in the news-media is not uniformly of dramatic nature, much is brief and routine. Understandably, historical interpretations indicate that crime is a permanent and recurrent phenomenon. In addition, violent crime adds to general societal interests because violence is a major example of news-media coverage with rather significant "negative consequences." Sherizen (1978) claims, "crime is an event with periodicity . . . (it involves) the predictability of a crime as a repeating event but with changes in participants and locations ... the same old story is created but with a newness everyday.” He goes on to argue that "crime is legitimate”; it is ultimately relevant and by such coverage, the news-media, may perhaps fulfill their responsibility of being the dispenser of public information and probably for public consumption. In their analysis Cohen and Young (1981) present interesting sequence of the “criminal event”: First, crime: all crime committed in the universe; second, crime: all crime known to the police, this includes later stages in criminal procedure, e.g., arrest, trial, outcome of trial; third, news value: selective institutional practices of "news-making"; fourth, crime as news: selective portrayal of crime; and finally, public definition/s: consequences of information derived from officials well as news-media sources. The above reflects the way crime and news-media play an influential role in disseminating information to the general audience/populace. The selectivity of crime in the news-media, and/or the reason why some criminal events are chosen in preference to others, may directly relate to the unusual as well as unique nature and/or seriousness of the crime, its whimsical circumstances, such as humorous, ironic, bizare; sentimental and dramatic circumstances surprisingly evoking feelings of outrage and/or sympathy, or the involvement of a famous or high ranking/status person Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya) 19 (Roshier, 1981). It is Roshier's contention that whimsical circumstances "... seem to be probably the most important in relation to crime reporting in general". It is equally important to understand the significant role and operational principles of the crime reporter while securing/compiling/disseminating the data. Some social scientists discussing the range of the available information sources including complaint or case sheet, the radio log, reports of investigating officers, arrest books, among others (Brown, 1965). Geberth (1990), the police investigators of homicide states that as a rule the police should make available to news-media personnel a considerable body of information on the victim and the immediate circumstances of the crime. Further, as a continuum of the process at the time of arrest the investigators are instructed to release details relating to the accused and his prior criminal record. Discussing crime and news-media Hans Schneider (1988) contends that media criminality involves "almost exclusively violent crime between strangers. " Further, "there is no portrayal of violence in the family or among relatives." He continues: ". . . In most cases the offender has a criminal record and plans his crimes carefully." It is instructive to note that no information, data, prior (confirming) research is offered. Importantly, all relevant as well as available data (of which I am aware) prove him empirically wrong on every point. The Negative Side of Crime News Many distinct negative features of crime and the news-media reporting practices have been articulated by commentators as well as social scientists over the years. One of the significant negative impact of crime in the news-media has been mentioned albeit in a rather general manner by Ericson (1991) and Fishman (1981). Earlier, Friendly and Goldfarb (1968) argue that such (crime) reporting is harmful in its impact on actual or potential jurors by nonjudicial information and opinion. They fulminate that American news coverage is often excessive and offensive, "pandering to the lowest taste and unnecessary even for the most basic commercial reason." "News of . . . crime . . . murder . . . these are what elicits interest and rivet attention," for the general populace/audience. The existing research indicates that a vast number of commentators tend to mention that crime in the news-media enhances the readers or viewers' perceptions of dangerousness in the social world (Gold and Simmons, 1965; Ericson, 1991; Fishman, 1981; and Friendly and Goldfarb, 1968). However, Young (1981) quite forcefully argues that news-media can and do play on audience fears, such as, "Folk devils are created for moral panics . . . (for) the mass of the population." Crime - News-Media and Racial Biases Historically, the issue of racial bias is a particularly a thorny issue; evidence supporting the existence of racial bias is offered by Einstadter, 1969 (an examination of one Montana newspaper in 1887-1888), Smith, 1984 (research based on one Birmingham, U.K. 20 Polis Bilimleri Dergisi newspaper), Lotz, 1991 (involving four newspapers in 1985 and three newspapers in 1895, 1900, 1905, 1910, 1915), Marsh, 1991 (a review of newspapers in Great Britain, Canada and Australia, 1960-1980), and Hawkins, 1992 (the Chicago Tribune and Sun-Times in 1987), and, finally, Pritchard's (1985) content analysis of two Milwaukee dailies for 19811985. He offers no proof but he "suspects" that race was a significant predictor of story length. He finds that black and Hispanic homicides are underreported. Lotz (1991) also argues that some commentators believe that the news-media/press ignores black crime/s so as not to exacerbate racial stereotypes and that, traditionally, news-media have engaged in this practice since the turn of the century. However, in their research Felder and Jordan (1983) and Dulaney (1969) research did not find support for the notion of racial discrimination. Dulaney (1969) examined 26 newspapers in 26 cities in 1965 and found that 21 of the 26 gave no racial identification of the offender; the remaining five provided racial identities, but the racial element was not emphasized. The almost insoluble problem in the context of crime and the news-media is how forms of biases can be reasonably operationalized/defined/or quantified. Perhaps, the greater identification of black versus white offenders is some measure of racial bias. The greater length of stories involving black criminals, might similarly be considered a persuasive measure of discrimination. As a consequence, under-coverage of crime/s committed by blacks can be classified as an attempt not to exacerbate any form of racial stereotyping or it may be considered to be a calculated indifference and organizational practice to ignore the issue of black crime and criminality. Conversely, if there is more selection and presentation of black crime compared to white crime, how is the general audience to judge this? Is it a racist attempt to exacerbate a public view of blacks as criminals (bad) or is it a (good) deliberate institutional decision to ignore or be indifferent to a major social problem in the black community, namely crime? Crime and News-Media - Sensationalizes the Real World of Crime Historically, one of significant charge by social scientists against the news-media is that when presenting criminal events for public consumption, it exaggerates, distorts and sensationalizes the real world of crime (Gold and Simmons, 1965; Einstadter, 1969; Abbott and Calonico, 1974; Combs and Scovic, 1979; Graber, 1979, 1980; Young, 1981; Humphries, 1981; Jaehnig, et al., 1981; Felder and Jordan, 1983). For instance, Davis (1952) analyzed four Colorado newspapers 1948-1950 and found great variation among the papers regarding murder, manslaughter, aggravated assault and battery. Sheley and Ashkins (1981) concluded that crime, particularly homicide, was vastly over-employed in print and electronic media in New Orleans for three months in 1978. Marsh (1989) mentions six studies from 1893 to 1925 which found a general tendency to sensationalize and distort crime news. He later found that newspapers in Great Britain, Canada and Australia from 1960-1989, generally "misrepresent" crime news (Marsh, 1991). Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya) 21 While examining murder stories in five newspapers Kobre and Parks (1954) found that only one of them "sensationalized." Difficulties in dealing with the issue of sensationalism and exaggeration are illustrated by research from Cohen (1975) and Meyer (1976). Cohen (1975) compared crime news in three Detroit and four Atlanta newspapers for two weeks in 1974. Detroit papers published 5,462 crime stories while Atlanta papers provided 1,322 crime stories. Detroit had twice the crime coverage than that of Atlanta. But in 1974 the Detroit official crime rate was four times that of Atlanta, so that, in fact, the Atlanta press/news-media gives more coverage to crime in proportion to (local) crime offenses committed. By using random days in 1970, Meyer (1976) examined The New York Times, a serious, unsensationalizing newspaper and the New York Daily News, a "popular," and thought to be more sensationalistic paper regarding coverage of crime news. He obtained 37 crime stories covered by both papers and he found, to his surprise that The Times printed more information bits and more column inches on crime than the Daily News. There was no significant difference in information on the crimes and with regard to the criminal. Historically, the news-media has often been accused of presenting crime news that were not representative of official crime rates or also referred to as “police known and recorded crimes.” For example, Roshier (1981), analyzed three British national dailies, plus The News of the World and an important local paper for one month in 1938, 1955 and 1967. He concluded that changes in crime news coverage over time was unrelated to the changes in official crime statistics. Often the charges are more specific, namely, that crime in the news-media is far more apt to deal with crimes against persons - most often homicide, than with crimes against property. Harris (1932) examined two Minneapolis dailies in 1890, 1904-5, and 1921, plus one other daily for 1890 and 1904-5, and one other for 1921. Murder constituted 27.3% of all crime news in 1890, 41.2% in 1904-5, and 27.1% in 1921. Antunes (1977) found that in September 1973, homicides in Houston represented .24% of all Part I crimes but accounted for 50% of all crime in the news-media in one Houston newspaper and 40% in another Houston newspaper. Sherizen's (1978) exploration of three major Chicago metropolitan papers and one black community paper, for four months in 1975, comparing official statistics for all crime categories to crime news coverage, found that the crime "murder/homicide" had the least "shrinkage," i.e., the largest percentage of any crime category known to the police which found its way into print. Graber’s (1980) study of the Chicago Tribune in 1976 concluded that while 2% of all recorded crimes was murder, this type of crime accounted for over 26% of all crime stories in the paper. Humphries’ (1981) investigation of the New York Post in 1951 and 1968, using a 5% sample of coverage, produced 126 crime stories; 45% of all these "routine crime stories" dealt with serious crimes. Homicide represented 23% of all serious crime stories in 1951 and 60% in 1968. A study of one New Orleans newspaper and three television stations news programs in 1978 found that homicide constituted .4% of all "Part I" crimes in the community, but accounted for 12% of all crime news in the Polis Bilimleri Dergisi 22 newspaper and 49%, 50% and 46% of all crime stories carried on the television news broadcasts (Sheley and Ashkins, 1981). Smith (1984) found similar over-representation of crimes against the person in one Birmingham, U.K. newspaper. Marsh (1991) concluded that newspapers in Great Britain, Canada and Australia, 1960-1989, "overrepresented violent crimes." Conclusion It is evident from the above analysis that the presentation of crime in news-media has invariably produced multi-dimensional misrepresentations. However, if one raises the question as to what “purpose” does crime serves in the news-media, one can cautiously as well as effectively argue that any form and/or type of criminal event is relevant to everyday life in society. It is a meaningful and relevant body of information useful for most of its audience (Scherizen, 1981; Hall, 1981). As indicated in the analysis, some social scientists argue vehemently that the news-media fulfill their ‘major share’ of their responsibility as public agents by the presentation of crime in the news-media. It is also important to mention that crime coverage in the news-media is often arbitrary and rather superficial. In conclusion, the cautious argument can be made that crime coverage in the news-media has become a relatively stable topic in everyday news-media. There might exist some formal and informal rules as to how those events are covered and/or not covered. Current literature tend to indicate that violent crime is overrepresented in the news-media (Marsh , 1991). There can be no doubt that these forms of crime coverage in the news-media is exciting and probably catches the eye of the average audience. Some commentators argue that crime in the news-media does not portray, furnish information or help the audience to learn in any reliable way about the nature of crime, criminal behavior and/or crime trends (Fishman, 1981). Consequently, crime coverage in the news-media cannot, and is not reflective of the real world of crime. Hence, it is crucial that the associated social scientists/practitioners/journalists make a serious attempt to devise effective means for sharing the realities of crime in the news-media, and thus enhance the understanding of the “realities of crime” in everyday society. Acknowledgments Special thanks to Dr. Nuala McGann Drescher Affimative Action Leave Program of the United University Professions, that provided support for my research activities. Türkçe Özet SUÇ VE MEDYA Suç ve Medya başlıklı bu makalede suç olarak kabul edilen eylem veya olayların medya tarafından hangi açılardan ele alarak nasıl işlediği konusu üzerinde durulur. Ağırlıklı olarak Amerika. Kanada ve bazı Avrupa ülkelerinde daha önceleri medya üzerine yapılmış olan bazı araştırma ve yayınları inceleyen bu yazıda medyanın 'suçu haberleştirmesinde' ortak bazı yönlerin olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. Her ne kadar bu araştırmada doğrudan Türk Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya) 23 medyasından söz edilmemişse de, bu özelliklerin, medyacılığın doğal sonucu olarak Türk medyasında da var olduğu görülmektedir. 'Haber' bilginin sistematik olarak işlendiği ve 'müşteri'ye, yani okuyucuya, sunulduğu bir çıktıdır. Bir olayın veya bilginin haber olması için, bazı sistematik işlemlerden geçmesi gereklidir. Bunlar kısaca 'bilgiyi elde etme', işleyip değerlendirerek 'habere dönüştürme' ve 'müşteriye sunma' şeklinde üç temel aşamada gerçekleşir. Ancak etrafımızda gerçekleşen ve kamuoyunu da fazla ilgilendiren bir çok olay haber haline gelmemekte ve okuyucuya sunulmamaktadır. Bu alanda yapılan çalışmalar gerçek dünyada meydana gelen olaylardan sadece bazılarının belli bir seçme eleme, değerlendirme süreci sonunda haber olarak medyada yer aldığını göstermektedir. Bir yandan, belki de kamu için oldukça önemli olan bazı olaylar görülmez veya görülmezlikten gelinirken, öte yandan belki de kamu için gerçek anlamda çok da önemli olmayan rutin ve sıradan bir olay medya tarafından seçilerek işlenmekte ve haberleştirilmektedir. Hangi olayın işlenmeğe ve haber olmağa (newsworthisess) değer olduğu, hangi olayları ise haber olması gerekmediği bir yayın organının sahip olduğu dünya görüşü ile doğrudan ilişkilidir. Araştırmanın ortaya çıkarttığı sonuçlardan bir diğerine göre suç konusunda medyada yer alan haberler ve yayınlar her zaman halkın bilmesinde yarar olan olaylar olmadığı gibi gerçek dünyayı yansıtmaktan da çok uzaktır. Medya suç ile ilgili haberleri her zaman biraz, belki de oldukça fazla, 'abartmakta', 'saptırmakta' ve 'sansasyonelleştirmektedir'. Bu da doğal olarak kamunun kendisi için gerçekten önemli olan bir konuda sağlıklı bilgi edinememesi sonucunu doğurmaktadır. Bu noktadan hareketle, bazı araştırmacılar, medyayı suç ile ilgili haberleri sağlıklı bir şekilde vermemekle itham etmektedirler. Bu görüşün savunucularına göre medya suçun azlığı ve çokluğu, suçun içeriği ve hangi davranışın normal veya anormal görülmesi gerektiği gibi konularda kamu oyunu sağlıklı bilgilendirmemekte ve yanlış yönlendirmektedir. Öte yandan, medyanın suç ile ilgili yapmış olduğu haberler ile kamuya bu alanda gerekli olan bilgiyi sunarak görevini sağlıklı bir şekilde yerine getirdiğine inanan araştırmacılar da bulunmaktadır. Suç ve Medya başlıklı bu makalede suç olarak kabul edilen eylem veya olayların medya tarafından hangi açılardan ele alarak nasıl işlediği konusu üzerinde durulur. Ağırlıklı olarak Amerika. Kanada ve bazı Avrupa ülkelerinde daha önceleri medya üzerine yapılmış olan bazı araştırma ve yayınları inceleyen bu yazıda medyanın 'suçu haberleştirmesinde' ortak bazı yönlerin olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. Her ne kadar bu araştırmada doğrudan Türk medyasından söz edilmemişse de, bu özelliklerin, medyacılığın doğal sonucu olarak Türk medyasında da var olduğu görülmektedir. 'Haber' bilginin sistematik olarak işlendiği ve 'müşteri'ye, yani okuyucuya, sunulduğu bir çıktıdır. Bir olayın veya bilginin haber olması için, bazı sistematik işlemlerden geçmesi gereklidir. Bunlar kısaca 'bilgiyi elde etme', işleyip değerlendirerek 'habere dönüştürme' ve 'müşteriye sunma' şeklinde üç temel aşamada gerçekleşir. Ancak etrafımızda gerçekleşen 24 Polis Bilimleri Dergisi ve kamuoyunu da fazla ilgilendiren bir çok olay haber haline gelmemekte ve okuyucuya sunulmamaktadır. Bu alanda yapılan çalışmalar gerçek dünyada meydana gelen olaylardan sadece bazılarının belli bir seçme eleme, değerlendirme süreci sonunda haber olarak medyada yer aldığını göstermektedir. Bir yandan, belki de kamu için oldukça önemli olan bazı olaylar görülmez veya görülmezlikten gelinirken, öte yandan belki de kamu için gerçek anlamda çok da önemli olmayan rutin ve sıradan bir olay medya tarafından seçilerek işlenmekte ve haberleştirilmektedir. Hangi olayın işlenmeğe ve haber olmağa (newsworthisess) değer olduğu, hangi olayları ise haber olması gerekmediği bir yayın organının sahip olduğu dünya görüşü ile doğrudan ilişkilidir. Araştırmanın ortaya çıkarttığı sonuçlardan bir diğerine göre suç konusunda medyada yer alan haberler ve yayınlar her zaman halkın bilmesinde yarar olan olaylar olmadığı gibi gerçek dünyayı yansıtmaktan da çok uzaktır. Medya suç ile ilgili haberleri her zaman biraz, belki de oldukça fazla, 'abartmakta', 'saptırmakta' ve 'sansasyonelleştirmektedir'. Bu da doğal olarak kamunun kendisi için gerçekten önemli olan bir konuda sağlıklı bilgi edinememesi sonucunu doğurmaktadır. Bu noktadan hareketle, bazı araştırmacılar, medyayı suç ile ilgili haberleri sağlıklı bir şekilde vermemekle itham etmektedirler. Bu görüşün savunucularına göre medya suçun azlığı ve çokluğu, suçun içeriği ve hangi davranışın normal veya anormal görülmesi gerektiği gibi konularda kamu oyunu sağlıklı bilgilendirmemekte ve yanlış yönlendirmektedir. Öte yandan, medyanın suç ile ilgili yapmış olduğu haberler ile kamuya bu alanda gerekli olan bilgiyi sunarak görevini sağlıklı bir şekilde yerine getirdiğine inanan araştırmacılar da bulunmaktadır. Crime and the News Media (Suç ve Medya) 25 Bibliography Anthunes, George E., & Hurley, Patricia A. (1977). Events in Houston's Two Daily Newspapers. Journalism Quarterly, 54, 756-760. Brown, Charles H. (1965). Informing the People. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Cohen, Shari. (1975, Winter). 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